Legalisation of drugs: Yes or no?
Viktar Charniak
Reflections on the article of Professor Ethan Nadelmann: “Think
again” (
http://www.foreignpolicy.com/story/cms.php?story_id=3932&page=0
)
In the modern world, the problem of the legalisation of drugs has
very great significance, one to which no conscientious person can
remain indifferent. The legitimisation or prohibition of the sale of
drugs will influence the structure and morality of the societies in
which we live into future generations. It is a vital responsibility
of ours to present to politicians and all people of good will the
various different views on this problem, as well as the potential
effects of proposed or adopted strategies. In the Autumn 2007
edition of the magazine “Foreign Policy” an article of professor
Ethan Nadelmann, under the title “Think again”, was published, in
which he provides arguments for a positive, rational approach to the
legalisation of drugs.
In the article, Professor Nadelmann demonstrates the ineffectiveness
of the current dominant approach to the phenomenon of drug
production, distribution and consumption by means of prohibition and
criminal proceedings against drug dealers. In defence of this
argument, the author uses the negative experience of the last ten
years in struggling with this evil both on the part of the United
Nations and the United States, as a result of which it is possible
to observe the following: increased, rather than reduced, demand for
drug products; relative ease of obtaining drugs, as evidenced by
well-organised black markets; the marginalisation of drug addicts
from mainstream society and the wide diffusion of HIV/AIDS and other
infectious diseases passed between drug users by the non-hygienic
use of syringes.
According to the author’s analysis, the legalisation of drugs could
start with the relaxing restrictions on less harmful drugs, such as
marijuana, and giving the state the legal power to control the drugs
market, to provide better assistance to drug addicts, and to
eliminate the criminality associated with drug production, sale and
consumption. The problem of drugs would thus become a health problem,
and the number of people killed by overdosing or bad quality drugs
would be reduced, as would the diffusion of infectious diseases,
thus also saving taxpayers’ money.
Let’s think about the question posed by Professor Nadelmann: “Are
the negative effects of the legalization of drug use likely to
outweigh the current damage to individual persons and to society as
a whole caused by drug abuse under the conditions of illegal drug
markets?”
As a first reaction, I think that it is not possible or correct to
treat an evil and harmful idea, such the legalisation of drugs, as a
morally neutral subject, just so as to overcome or reduce the damage
caused by drugs. The position of Professor Nadelmann seems to
coincide in general with those of contemporary “libertarians”
regarding the legalisation of drugs. For “libertarians” the rights
and freedoms of individuals are given first place, and in
socio-political life no-one’s choices should be limited or
constrained as long as these choices do not harm others. Similarly,
the economy should be perfectly regulated by the principles of the
free market. (One of the most well-known thinkers of this current in
political philosophy is Robert Nozick with his “Theory of
Entitlement” and the “Idea of the Minimal State”). From this point
of view, it is not surprising that the author should not view the
systematic use of drugs as immoral, nor that he should not recognise
the great threat posed by the legalisation of drugs to human dignity.
Professor Nadelmann would like to see the criminality provoked by
the prohibition of drugs done away with, along with greater levels
of medical help and rehabilitation for drug addicts at reduced cost
levels for taxpayers, but he fails to make a critical examination of
the negative effects of the legalisation of drugs, as well as the
obstacles that will hinder the achievement of the abovementioned
practical goals.
There are major doubts as to whether these goals could be achieved.
Existing criminal structures would compete with new drug monopolies
on the drug market, or, through bribery and corruption, would get
themselves legalised. The fact of having legal access to drugs would
be likely to increase their use across different social groups, and
the most disadvantaged would still be likely to get involved in
criminal methods for obtaining them.
There is no doubt that the legalisation of marijuana or other less
harmful drugs would provoke a quantitatively higher level of use/abuse,
and, consequently, higher levels of use of stronger drugs, since the
aim of drug-use is largely to satisfy and intensify hedonistic
feelings, often leading to detachment from reality. Addicts thus
carry on searching for more and more acute and stronger effects from
drugs. At the same time, expenses for the medical and psychological
treatment of adult drug addicts, unable to continue functioning
normally in society, would be likely to grow.
Following our reflections, it is possible to raise questions like:
if drug use were morally irrelevant and not harmless to health, why
does no psychologically-balanced parent offer drugs to his or her
own child? We may also ask ourselves whether any person would like
to treated by a doctor, or take a flight with a pilot or a bus
journey with a driver, any of whom were drug addicts? I hope that
the answers to these questions are not controversial, since we are
on a road leading nowhere if we cannot agree on points like these.
Nevertheless, whether drugs are legalised or not, persons who are
drug addicts must be treated with full respect as human beings with
dignity.
The problem of the extensive use of drugs, especially by the younger
generations, directs our attention to a wide spectrum of problems
that are present in contemporary society, including: difficulty with
recognition and fulfilment of single people in society, badly or
inadequately defined aims to human existence, relativistic
approaches to the definitions of truth, goodness, human moral values
and principles.
I think that intellectuals and state institutions at first have to
concentrate on the reformulation of education and formation systems
towards encouraging the growth of “virtuous persons”, promoting
solidarity between people and indicating the common good of society,
defending all persons and especially the young and families from
harmful and degrading influences.
Interesting in this context are the debates that have appeared
between political philosophers representing “liberal egalitarian”
positions (whose illustrious representatives would include John
Rawls and his theory of “Justice as fairness”, as well as Ronald
Dworkin) and “communitarian” positions (among whom some of the most
important would be Alasdair MacIntyre, Michael Walzer and Charles
Taylor). Communitarians criticise liberal egalitarians for being
unable to adjust their neo-contractual “Theories of Social Justice”
to include the importance of belonging to specific societies with
certain traditions, cultures and ways of rational thinking, and
because they cannot provide clear arguments for how, in
constitutionally democratic regimes, one can form “virtuous persons”
with a sense of solidarity. I think that the criticisms made by the
Communitarians have interesting theoretical and practical
foundations that are not completely dissimilar to those of Catholic
Social Thought, but in this last part of my article, I will not
refer to them further since I intend to make a few comments on an
approach to the drug problem based on Catholic Social Teaching.
According to the Catholic position, the activity of the human being
should be oriented to the full realisation of human potential and
talents, with the aim of becoming fully oneself, so as to accomplish
the aim of one’s personal existence in history and in the created
order and, finally, to return to the Creator. To accomplish these
plans, the person needs God’s grace, though this does not transform
human nature but is rather a permanent guide and supernatural help.
The dignity of the human person is expressed in the potential moral
and rational endowments that make human beings able to attain
rational knowledge and self-control on both personal and community
levels. By the means of the natural law, the human being may arrive
at moral values and principles that have to be applied in society
through free and responsible choices in the achievement of personal
and common goods.
Drug use reduces human dignity because it makes human beings
dependent on hedonistic feelings, depriving them of a proper
connection with reality and leading them to dependency and addiction.
This in turn destroys the spiritual, psychological, rational and
physical functions of the human being, ultimately taking away one’s
freedom and replacing it with a damaging addiction.
In this perspective, the legalisation of drugs would create a new
subculture which John Paul II called the “culture of death”, since
choosing to become addicted to drugs would become a morally neutral
choice. The legalisation of drugs would be particularly harmful to
the young, the immature, and to those without a strong sense of the
need to make right and consistent rational and moral choices based
on a common understanding of personal and common good through using
one’s own rational capacities and moral experience of various
different kinds.
I consider that the three courses of action offered in the manual
“Church, Drugs, and Drug Addiction”, published by the Pontifical
Council for Health Care Workers, should be once again taken into
consideration and adopted as a general strategy for fighting against
drugs. These are: prevention, suppression of trafficking, and
rehabilitation.
Therefore, even though society is deeply afflicted by the constant
struggle against criminal structures, bears heavy expenses in drug
rehabilitation programs and institutions, and suffers from the
spread of infectious disease as a result of current drug abuse, that
does not allow us to legalise drugs. Such a decision would lead to
unpredictable and irreversible negative effects. It is not the case
that keeping drugs illegal means that drug addicts are treated in a
humiliating way, nor that we could not come up with better
strategies to combat the spread of infectious disease.
It should be clear that the struggle against the evil provoked by
drugs will go on until the end of time, but maintaining the ban on
drugs will preserve the foundation of moral values according to
which every person should form his or her own responsible choice.
Each one of us can choose to get onto a path of self-destruction
through the consumption of drugs, or to become a part of the
criminal structures producing and delivering drugs, or we may seek
self-realisation as persons by working for the achievement of one’s
own and the common good.